Category Archives: Välis-ja julgeolekupoliitika

Resolutsioon “protestantide” kaitseks

Taheti võtta seisukoht “protestantide” (nende, kes korruptsiooni vastu protesteerivad) kaitseks Venemaal. Tekst lepiti kokku Joint motion for a resolution on Russia, the arrest of Alexei Navalny and other protestors, kuid enne hääletust tekkis kahes fraktsioonis soov see siiski edasi lükata, kuna Peterburi terroriaktide leinaperiood pole veel lõppenud. Ka Roheliste rühm kaldus toetama S&D ning GUE edasilükkamise plaani…

Osutasin plenaaril sellise lähenemise mõttetusele, sest metroorünnaku ohvrid ei saa kuidagi õigustada kogunemisvabaduste rikkumist, eriti kuna Moskvast on juba tulnud signaale, et võimud kavatsevad just seda ettekäändena kasutada oma surve suurendamiseks. Vt ka mulle Venemaalt saabunud meili:

This duma decision is important and should be criticised in the debate!!!

Source reliable!
Duma proposes to ban political protests “for a while” because of the terrorist attack in SpB)

Niisiis, kuna tegu oli kodukorra kohaselt “kiireloomulise resolutsiooniga” (urgency), siis kiireloomulist asja ei saa muuta “edasilükatavaks” (adjournment).  Minu vastu kõneles Helmut Scholz (Saksamaa, die Linke), minu poolt Michael Gahler (Saksamaa, CDU). Hääletuse tulemus oli ülinapp 282 edasilükkamise poolt, 290 vastu. Seega läks kiri resolutsiooniga ka Kremli poole teele.

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Kohtusin Casanovaga

Kataloonia telekanali toimetaja Laura Casanova kutsus mind saatesse, kus arutleti katalaanide iseseisvuse võimaluste üle. Sai muuseas tasutud tänuvõlg noorusaja lemmikkirjaniku Karl Ristikivi ees. Head vaatamist!

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Ceterum Censeo

Eesti Maailmavaate Sihtasutus loodi seejärel, kui Riigikogu erakondlased tulutult pusisid niinimetatud DASA/MASA seadusega, mis avalikkuse massiivse ja otsustava vastuseisu tõttu lõpuks seaduseks ei saanudki. Konks oli muidugi selles, et erakonnad tahtsid oma maailmavaate levitamiseks riigieelarve vahendeid iseenda kasuks suunata. Tõestasime, et ka kehtiva seaduse raamides on võimalik Maailmavaate Sihtasutusi täitsa mängeldes asutada ning tegutseme tasapisi Eesti Maailmavaate edendamisel.

Allpool on loetav üks kommenteeritud ja illustreeritud allikapublikatsioon, mis toob esile ühe paljudest tegevustest Euroopa Parlamendi igapäevatoimingutest. Enne lugema asumist oleks kasulik kuulata ära ka Peeter Helme mõnusa huumoriga vitaminiseeritud kommentaar.

Meeldivat lugemist soovides ning kui tekib küsimusi, siis arutame edasi….Parimat!

Peeter Helme arvustus saates “Uus raamat” Klassikaraadio 18.03.2016:

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Why Nord Stream is another Mistral deal

The Nord Stream gas pipeline will empower Russia and harm Ukraine. The EU should act.
Published in Politico on 26.10.15

The decision of some German, Austrian, British, Dutch and French energy companies to do business with Gazprom must be severely lamented. Not only is it environmentally and economically wrong, it’s a brazen-faced dismissal of the principles of the intended European Energy Union, which are based on fair competition and solidarity.

Just a few years ago, the European Commission acted decisively and forbade the same companies to build a similar pipeline in southern Europe called South Stream. Now we are facing a lack of willingness to act because of the position of some member state governments; namely, Germany, France and Britain. That kind of majority would be difficult to challenge in the European Council, but it should be challenged nonetheless. A surprisingly heavy attack on the agreement made it onto the European Parliament plenary agenda thanks to the efforts of German MEP Reinhard Bütikofer, on October 7. But a resolution hasn’t yet been reached.

Germany, Europe’s economic powerhouse and one of the EU countries most addicted to Russian gas, came under siege from MEPs representing some of the smallest member states: Luxembourg, Cyprus and Estonia. Aided by a number of MEPs from Poland, Hungary, Romania, Greece, and Italy, they reproached the indifference of Berlin, Paris and London — and that of the European Commission.

How can these actors turn a blind eye to Nord Stream’s unambiguous goal to exclude Ukraine (and consequently Poland, Slovakia and others) from gas transit markets, delivering a quick and lethal blow to the survival of Ukraine’s already fragile economy, and indeed, to Commissioner Maroš Šefčovič’s efforts to facilitate a gas deal between Ukraine and Russia?

Economic data reveals that the Nord Stream pipeline is only working at half capacity because of a drop-off in demand for Russian gas. European energy companies have buckled under pressure from Gazprom — they only own 49 percent of the shares in the endeavor. To understand why they buckled, you have to consider the promises the Russians made, which probably include lucrative Artic drilling rights. Anyone can see that Gazprom’s reserves are too low to provide more gas than they are currently. Investments in research and infrastructure have been down for years and even with the best intentions, the Russian state-monopoly wouldn’t be able to invest because of its money being carelessly and relentlessly siphoned toward provocative military action in Syria. Hence their idea to apply some German-British capital to gas production in the Arctic.

Russian posturing around the North Pole may be attractive for business leaders, but they should take a closer look at the experience of British Petroleum in Russia. Assets can be declared the property of the Kremlin overnight. And, of course, they should bear in mind what happened to Khodorkovski. There’s no economic viability in the plan whatsoever.

We believe it’s not too late to apply common sense, and to return to the laborious, but worthwhile effort, of creating the European Energy Union, based on the diversification of energy supplies, energy efficiency and the increased use of European resources — especially renewable ones. But it will take determination from the European Council. That’s why we call on President of the European Council Donald Tusk to arrange a debate on this harmful project at the next meeting of heads of states and governments.

If he doesn’t, Nord Stream might present the same danger as the French plan to sell Mistral helicopter platforms to Putin. Russian admiral Vladimir Vysotskiy said that if he had had Mistral during the 2008 war in Georgia, the Black Sea fleet could have finished its mission in 40 minutes, instead of 26 hours. Within a year and a half, Nord Stream could see the end of Ukraine as an independent state.

Indrek Tarand is a Greens/European Free Alliance MEP. He previously served as the secretary-general of the Estonian ministry of foreign affairs.

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Eston Kohver Euroopa Parlamendis

Esimese eestlasena sai omanimelise resolutsiooni Eston Kohver. Kuidas otsus sündis ja mis on ta sisu, seda saab uurida alloleva lingikogu abil.

1. Eesti saadikute sõnavõtud Euroopa Parlamendi täiskogu istungil 10. septembril:

Tunne Kelam

Kaja Kallas

Marju Lauristin

Urmas Paet

Indrek Tarand

2. Valik meediakajastusi

ERR
Vikerraadio “Euroopa Parlament hääletab täna Eston Kohveri resolutsiooni üle”

Uudisteportaal “Europarlament arutab Eston Kohveri röövimise hukkamõistu” ja “Kelam: Kohveri resolutsiooni toetasid nii äärmusparempoolsed kui ka kommunistid”

Reporteritund 10. septembril kell 14.05 “Eurosaadikutega Strasbourgis”

Postimees “Yana Toom jäi Kohvri resolutsiooni suhtes erapooletuks” ja “Kohvri resolutsioonini jõuti hõlpsalt”

Politico “Estonia’s limited options for freeing kidnapped officer”

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Vajatakse Mistrale

Radio Free Europe, “Balts Say Russian Navy Bullying Undersea Cable Crews”, 5.5.2015

Workers laying a cable beneath the Baltic Sea are on the front line in Lithuania’s struggle for energy independence from Moscow.

Their adversary: the Russian Navy.

No shots have been fired, but construction crews laying the NordBalt cable linking Lithuania and Sweden have received unwelcome visits in the last month from Russian warships probing into the construction area in the Baltic state’s exclusive economic zone.

Frustrated that its diplomatic protests have had no effect, NATO member Lithuania says it will consider legal action if the Russian moves don’t stop.

“We’ve already informed our transatlantic partners of the issue and will continue raising it on other occasions both with the Russian Federation and other international partners,” Foreign Minister Linas Linkevicius told RFE/FL.

“If similar incidents happen again, the possibility of employing international legal instruments against the Russian Federation will be considered,” Linkevicius said.

Sweden, Lithuania’s main partner in the NordBalt project, has also taken issue with what one member of its parliament called a “growing pattern” of Russian provocations.

The moves come amid a surge in Russian military activity near NATO member states since Moscow’s takeover of Crimea and the start of the deadly conflict between government forces and Russian-backed separatists that has killed more than 6,100 people in eastern Ukraine since April 2014.

In the most recent incident, a vessel from the Russian Navy’s Baltic Fleet entered Lithuania’s exclusive economic zone on April 30 and headed toward a NordBalt construction ship managed by the Swedish-Swiss engineering conglomerate ABB, according to the Lithuanian Foreign Ministry.

It even tried to chase the construction ship away.

“The ALCEDO vessel chartered by ABB was asked by the Russian Navy to leave its position in Lithuania’s exclusive economic zone, where it had a legitimate right to be, according to international law,” Swedish Foreign Ministry spokesman Gabriel Wernstedt told RFE/RL.

“We have raised the issue with Russian authorities, as we’ve done when similar incidents have occurred,” he said. “We take this very seriously.”

The 450-kilometer underground NordBalt cable, approved by the Swedish and Lithuanian governments in 2013 and due to be completed in December, will be able to transmit up to 700 megawatts from Nybro in Sweden to the Lithuanian coastal city of Klaipeda.

With 14 overseas energy cables already in place, Sweden is an old hand.

But NordBalt is its first connection with one of the three Baltic states, which chafed under Moscow’s rule for decades after World War II and joined NATO and the European Union after gaining independence in the Soviet breakup of 1991.

For Lithuania, NordBalt is a crucial tool for the painstaking task of reducing reliance on Russian energy — a goal made more urgent by the Kremlin’s interference in Ukraine, which has deepened concerns about its intentions in the region.

The country of 3.5 million currently imports 72 percent of its energy, of which 48 percent is bought from Russia.

The faceoff in the Baltic is far from the first obstacle to Lithuania’s efforts to cut itself free.

In 2012, plans to build a nuclear power plant were rejected by voters in a consultative referendum — an outcome the government blamed on Russian fearmongering.

That decision added impetus to a project for Lithuania’s first liquefied natural gas (LNG) terminal, which was inaugurated in December.

A second international energy cable, linking Lithuania with Poland, is also scheduled to open later this year.

Hans Wallmark, a member of the Swedish parliament’s foreign affairs committee, said the purpose of the Russian naval moves was clear. “The NordBalt provocations are part of a growing pattern of behavior by the Russians. They’re establishing a set of different provocations,” he said.

“Their goal is that to spread anxiety and dejection among their neighbors, but instead their actions will galvanize us,” he said

Sweden, Finland, and the Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania are by now accustomed to growing Russian military activity near their airspace and territorial waters.

This year, Latvia alone has registered some 50 approaches by Russian planes and 17 by Russian vessels, whereas five years ago it had around five air approaches and none by sea.

Last week, NATO Baltic Air Policing planes scrambled in response to two Russian planes near Baltic airspace. Operating close to another country’s airspace or territorial water is not illegal, but air approaches are now policed by NATO planes.

In challenging civilian construction crews, Russia may be trying out a new tool in its arsenal.

“Let’s hope that these are still incidents, not provocations,” Linkevicius said. “However, the fact these incidents have been repeated several times recently, and that some of them recurred the day after a diplomatic note had been sent to the Russian side, raises our concern.”

He said that Russia’s navy has the right to conduct exercises in the Baltic Sea, but should “make sure that its military vessels don’t create obstacles for the commercial vessels” in Lithuania’s exclusive economic zone.”

Russia’s Foreign Ministry did not respond to a request for comment. But it has told Lithuania that Russian vessels in Lithuania’s exclusive economic zone are simply protecting Russia’s military exercise zones.

Estonian parliament member Indrek Tarand says diplomatic protest notes won’t make Russia budge. “Russia only responds to shows of force, so Sweden, which has a bigger navy than the Baltic states, should stand up to the Russians and send a ship there,” he said. “But a more permanent solution would be to have NATO policing of the sea just as we have in the air.”

For a time, at least, the NordBalt construction crews may have some support.

Some ships that participated in Joint Warrior, a twice-yearly, British-led NATO exercise that ended on April 24, are now heading to the waters off Lithuania, Dutch commander Peter A.J. Bergen Henegouwen told the Swedish daily Goeteborgs-Posten.

The vessels’ mission, however, is mine-hunting.

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